Hospitals & Asylums 








The Bar Between Wisdom and Wealth HA-19-1-13


By Anthony J. Sanders


An Act


To (1) pardon Rod Blagovich; (2) pay FEMA disaster relief and late fees for Superstorm Sandy; (3) account for incarceration as evidence of mental disability for the purpose of DI and SSI eligibility; (4) release harmless offenders to their post-conviction college degree, including bar certification for Bachelor of Law granted in civil-law nations and (4) reduce the United States penal population below the normal international legal limit of 250 detainees per 100,000 residents by 2020,


Be the Democratic-Republican (DR) prison slavery parties Dissolved, until the District of Columbia prison population, last reported to be the highest density in the world at 1,500 per 100,000, is brought within the reasonable legal norm of 500 detainees per 100,000 residents in the capitol under this Amendment of Judicial Delinquency (JD) Book 6 of Hospitals & Asylums (HA) vacated by Freedmen's Hospital that served the black community in the District of Columbia for more than a century. First established in 1862 on the grounds of the Camp Barker, 13th and R Streets, NW, Freedmen's Hospital and Asylum cared for freed, disabled, and aged blacks.  In 1863, the Hospital & Asylum was placed under Dr. Alexander Augusta (1825-1890), the first African-American to head a hospital.  The hospital and museum is now cared for by Howard University.  Referred, to a post-conviction degree program; nearly 100 percent effective in preventing recidivism.


1.      Civil Rights Act of 2013

2.      Abolish Slavery Again

3.      The Price of Freedom

4.      The Pardon of Rod Blagojevich

Table 1: Changes to OASDI if SSA paid for SSI 2012(retroactive)-2020

Table 2: State by State Detention, Need and Cost Estimate for Community Beds & SSI


1.      Civil Rights Act of 2013


Martin Luther King Jr.’s birthday on January 15, 1929; MLK Day is a bank holiday celebrated on the third Monday in the month of January, the 21st day of 2013.  In his final book, Where Do We Go From Here Chaos or Community? published the year of his death on April 4, 1968 he wrote: We have left the realm of constitutional rights and we are entering the area of human rights. The Constitution assured the right to vote, but there is no such assurance of the right to adequate housing, or the right to an adequate income, or the right to high-quality education and health care.  And yet in an industrialized nation it is morally right to insist that every person have a decent house, an adequate education and enough money to provide the basic necessities for one’s family and urged exploration of a guaranteed annual income (King & Harding ’68, ‘10: xvi).  Without King or Kennedy to say, “Mankind must put an end to war or war will put an end to mankind”, Johnson’s war on poverty, with his Texas roots and real war in Vietnam, failed (Schenkkan ’12: 2), and the simple story of America is: the rich are getting richer, the richest of the rich are getting still richer, the poor are becoming poorer and more numerous and the middle class is being hollowed out. The incomes of the middle class are stagnating or falling and the difference between them and the truly rich is increasing. Over the last three decades those with low wages (in the bottom 90 percent) have seen a growth of only around 25 percent in their wages, while those in the top 1 percent have seen an increase of almost 150 percent and the top 0.1 percent of more than 300 percent. Even after the wealthy lost some of their wealth as stock prices declined in the Great Recession the wealthiest 1 percent of households had 225 times the wealth of the typical American, almost double the ratio in 1962 and 1983.  America has been extraordinarily influential in spreading ideas of equality, of human rights, of democracy, of the market as self-interest. However, as democracies grow in many other parts of the world, an economic and political system that leaves most citizens behind, as ours has been doing, will not be seen as a system to emulate (Stiglitz ’11: 8, 144).  From 1970 to 2005, the Nation’s prison population increased by 700 percent. It could be said that the United States government has not progressed since the Social Security Amendments of 1974 created the Supplemental Security Income (SSI).


In 1879 Henry George wrote In Progress and Poverty: “The fact is that the work which improves the condition of mankind, the work which extends knowledge and increases power and enriches literature, and elevates thought, is not done to secure a living.  It is not the work of slaves, driven to their task either by the lash of a master or by animal necessities.  It is the work of men who perform it for their own sake, and not that they may get more to eat or drink, or wear, or display.  In a state of society where want is abolished, work of this sort could be enormously increased.  Two conditions are indispensable if we are to ensure that the guaranteed income operates as a consistently progressive measure.  First, it must be pegged to the median income of society, not at the lowest levels of income.  To guarantee an income at the floor would simply perpetuate welfare standards and freeze into the society poverty conditions.  Second, the guaranteed income must be dynamic; it must automatically increase as the total social income grows.  Were it permitted to remain static under growth conditions the recipients would suffer a relative decline.  If periodic reviews disclose that the whole national income has risen, then the guarantee income would have to adjusted upward by the same percentage.  Without these safeguards a creeping retrogression would occur, nullifying the gains of security and stability. The program would benefit all the poor, including the two-thirds of them who are white.  John Kenneth Galbraith estimated that $20 billion a year would effect a guaranteed income, which he describes as not much more than we will spend the next fiscal year to rescue freedom and democracy and religious liberty as these are defined by experts in Vietnam.  The curse of poverty has no justification in our age.  It is socially as cruel and blind as the practice of cannibalism at the dawn of civilization, when men ate each other because they had not yet learned to take food from the soil or to consume the abundant animal life around them.  The time has come for us to civilize ourselves by the total, direct and immediate abolition of poverty (King ’68: 173, 174, 175).  The 2010 Census found there were 46.2 million people living below the poverty line, the highest number in the 52 years the Bureau has published the statistic and at 15.1 percent the highest percent living in poverty since 1993 (Tavernise ’11) up from 12.5 percent in 2007.  At the very bottom, by 2011 the number of American families in extreme poverty – living on two dollars a day per person or less, the measure of poverty used by the World Bank for developing countries- had doubled since 1996 to 1.5 million (Stiglitz ’12: 16). The United States has the highest number of children growing up in poverty in any industrialized nation, 20-25 percent, significantly higher than the general population, Netherlands is next with around 10 percent child poverty. Guaranteeing 50 million Americans a $1,000 a month income floor would not cost more than $600 billion, a doubling of annual social security expenditures, that might be satisfactorily paid for by the removal the social security contribution cap $110,000 (2013), estimated at $250 billion.


Pervasive and persistent poverty and long-term underinvestment in public education and other social expenditures give rise to high levels of crime and a large fraction of the population in prison. While violent crime statistics are better than they were at their nadir in 1991, they remain high and residents of many poor and not so poor neighborhoods still feel the risk of physical assault.  It’s expensive to keep 2.3 million people in prison.  The U.S. incarceration rate of 730 per 100,000 people or almost 1 in 100 adults) is the world’ highest and some nine to ten times that of many European countries.  Some U.S. states spend as much on their prisons as they do on their universities.  If the entire prison population of nearly 2.3 million was counted, the unemployment rate would be well above 9 percent (Stiglitz ’12: 15).  Our national imprisonment rate had been essentially constant throughout the first three-quarters of the twentieth century at roughly 100 (plus or minus 20) per 100,000 population.  It was only in the mid-1970s that it began increasing steadily and rapidly year after year so that today it is over 700 per 100,000.  The incarceration rate is significantly higher in the Red than in the Blue states.  In the year 2000, the average incarceration rate in the Red States was 712 per 100,000 as opposed to 487 in the Blue States.  The Red and Blue states differ in their rates of lethally violent behavior, i.e. suicide and homicide, including the legal form of the latter, capital punishment (the death penalty).  With respect to the suicide rate, in 2000 the Red States had a rate of 13 per 100,000 and the Blue States only 10.  In 2004, the suicide rate in Red States was 13.9 vs. the Blue State’s 10.2.  Homicide rates in the Red States were 5.7 in both 2000 and 2004 whereas in the Blue States they were 4. And 4.0 in those years. The difference between Red and Blue States in total lethal violence rates (suicide plus homicide) in 2000 was 18.7 vs. 14.2 and in 2004, 19.6 vs. 14.2.  Between 1976 (when capital punishment was reinstituted in the US after having been declared unconstitutional in 1972) and 2009, the Red States executed 1,177 people and the Blue States 54: a ratio of more than 20 to 1.  Of the 14 states with the most executions, very one is a Red States (11 of them Southern States).  Of the 14 states with no death penalty, 10 are Blue States.  Of the 31 Red States in 2004, 27 have a death penalty. Among the only drugs we know of that actually inhibit, and thus can be said to prevent, violence, two of them, marijuana and heroin, have been declared illegal. The only prison program that has been 100 percent effective in preventing recidivism, and that was gaining a college degree while in prison – zero recidivism in the Indiana state prison system, 0 percent at the Folsom State prison in California.  The study discovered two recidivists over a period of 30 years, less than a 1 percent recidivism rate, compared with the US rate of 65 percent after only 3 years (Gilligan ’11: 172, 173, 132, 126, 127, 128, 130, 87, 90, 91).  American society has emphasized education more than European society.  The purpose is to use education to make a break between the occupation of the parents, and those of their children.  The schools have been the historic routes of social mobility.  Whatever social pathology may exist in Negro families is far exceeded by the social pathology in the school system that refuses to accept a responsibility. The proliferating bureaucracies in a complex industrial society tend to curtail democratic rights.  Those that affect the affluent and powerful can be handled by appeals to the courts, which have power to prohibit unwarranted decrees or decisions beyond the scope of proper authority.  The poor, however, are helpless.  In welfare, public housing and education, arbitrary abuse of power cannot be arrested by means readily available to the victimized.  In most cases the victim does not know he has legal redress and accepts the role of a supplicant unprotected by rules, regulations and safeguards.  In some cases, the issue is uncontrolled political power; in others, the question is the relationship between professionals and those they have a duty to service but too often humiliate or neglect. The growth of human services should be rapid.  It should be developed in a manner ensuring the jobs generated will not primarily be for professionals with college and postgraduate diplomas, but for people from the neighborhoods who can perform important functions for their neighbors. Welfare clients actually receive only 50 percent of the benefits the law provides because they are consciously kept ignorant of their rights.  As individuals they have no means of informing themselves or of asserting their right to withheld benefits (King ’68: 203, 211, 209, 211). 


Americans need to learn to write legal briefs.  Post-conviction education and opening State bar certification to undergraduate Bachelor of the Law degrees are necessary measures because our legal system is more than three times over a normal incarceration rate and we ostensibly need lawyers to represent the rights of the mostly poor and uneducated people who happen to be criminally accused of penal offenses.  People of higher status-income have fewer qualms about breaking the rules, are more likely to be driven by self-interest, more likely to cheat, (slave) and behave in other ways that would generally be viewed as unethical (Stiglitz ’12: 314).  Essentially, a lawyer is behind bars or drunk on power.  Not only is the law degree an unnecessarily prestigious post-graduate degree in America, creating a treacherously wide gap in age and social class with the common client, not found in civil law nations where a Bachelor of the Law is certified to practice by the state bar, but once these few honor scholars graduate they are quickly employed by financial corporations and major political parties and there are very few, if any, practicing lawyers in the United States, they are incompetent bungling business executives, legislators, generals and Presidents in violation of the separation of powers.  Twenty-six of America’s forty-four presidents have been lawyers, and 36 percent of the legislators in the House have a background in law.  Even if they are not narrowly pursuing what is in the financial interests of lawyers, they may be “cognitively captured” (Stiglitz ’12: 100). In many areas today, regulatory agencies are responsibility for the oversight of a sector, however the problem is that leaders in these sectors use their political influence to get people appointed to the regulatory agencies who are sympathetic to their perspectives.  Economists refer to this as “regulatory capture”.  Their incentives and those of the industry are well aligned, even if their incentives are not well aligned with those of the rest of society.  If those on the regulatory commission serve the sector well, they get well rewarded in their post-government career. Sometimes, however, the capture is not just motivated by money.  Instead, the mindset of regulators is captured by those whom they regulate. This is called “cognitive capture”, and it is more of a sociological phenomenon (Stiglitz ’12: 47, 48).  Applying the saying, “a lawyer is behind bars or drunk on power”, to the U.S. Supreme Court, since the American judiciary became so wildly popular, leaves us with only two cases (1) Blakely v. Washington No. 02-1632 (2004) that brings cause for the wholesale review and release of prisoners who have been detained under excessive mandatory minimum sentencing statutes or convicted without due process and called for the elimination of mandatory minimum sentencing in both legislation and litigation and (2) Edmund G. Brown Jr. Governor of California, et al  v. Marciana & Plata et al No. 09–1233 (2011) whereby a three judge panel in California ordered the largest release of prisoner in history under the Prison Litigation Reform Act of 1995 18USCII(229)(C)§3626.  After passing a $50 billion tax increase beginning in 2012, the 2013 California budget is reported to be repaired without significant spending cuts.


Reductions in the prison population is a priority for the U.S., lawyers and judicial officers must focus on achieving this monumental task and cease corrupting political and commercial power with their negligence.  The prison population quintupled from 503,586 in 1980 (220 per 100,000) to 2,085,620 in 2004 (707 per 100,000).  The U.S. has the most and densest concentration of prisoners in the world comprising 24% of the 9 million global prisoners, more than Russia, the runner up, and more than China.  For the U.S. to achieve the legal limit of 250 detainees per 100,000 the total number of local jails and state and federal prison beds must be limited to less than 740,000.  One million is a good goal.  Nearly 650,000 people are released from prison to communities each year.  Each year the nation’s 3,200 jails release an excess of 10 million, 3% of the population back into the community.  Nearly two thirds of released State prisoners are expected to re-arrested for a felony or a serious misdemeanor within three years.  In 2005 7% of all prisoners were women, increasing 2.6% while male prisoners rose 1.9%.  Racial disparities among prisoners persist, particularly in the 25-29 age group, 8.1% of black men, about one in 13, were behind bars, compared with 2.6% of Hispanic men and 1.1% of white men.  Martinez et al v. Astrue No. Cal. No 08-CV-48735-CW  of August 11, 2009, led to the passage of No Social Security Benefits for Prisoners Act of 2009, Public Law 111-115 which reinforced the prohibition of retroactive payments to individuals during periods for which such individuals are prisoners, probation or parole violators, or fugitive felons written in Eligibility for SSI Benefits in Sec. 1611 of Title XVI of the Social Security Act 42USC(7)XVI§1382(E)(1)(A) and OASDI in Sec. 202 of Title II of the Social Security Act 42USC(7)II§402(x)(1)(a). When an individual is released from a public institution they are due the reinstatement of their benefits and if their conviction is ultimately overturned back payments to the date their social security benefits were terminated under Bloom v. Social Security Administration (10th Cir.) No. 02-3362 (2003).   Because of the medical negligence evident in California prisons the burden of proving disability for SSI eligibility must be lightened to show that are unlikely to earn a substantial gainful income outside of prison for a period of 12 months because evidence of criminal conviction is adequate proof of mental disability, whether or not they actually copped such a plea.  A sociologic study found that a criminal record reduced the ratio of job application call-backs 2:1 for whites and 3:1 for blacks (Stiglitz ’12: 69, 70).  Applications for SSI should be expedited in monthly reports to the Social Security Administration under Sec. 1611 of Title XVI of the Social Security Act 42USC(7)XVI§1382 (E)(1)(H)(I)(i)(I) when the date of release has been finally determined.  The majority of prisoners should receive SSI the first month they are released.  To protect this investment from recidivism a post-conviction college degree shall be a term of probation imposed upon their release under 18USC(227)§3563.  There are about 15 million recipients of disability insurance and SSI.  SSI is the benefit program for people with qualifying disabilities who have not adequately contributed for 40 quarters to the system. Legislators need to be informed that social security benefits are financed by FICA tax off-budget and reducing benefits will not reduce the budget deficit.  The people will be amazed to learn that SSI is not paid by their 0.9% matching DI contribution, or the OASDI fund which has accumulated more than $2.6 trillion and is the largest asset under single management in the world, but by the General Fund that has run a $1.3 trillion deficit for the past four years.  As a consequence of this greed the Social Security Administration (SSA) is an abomination.  The Commissioner must be held principally responsible for the +/-$666 ($674) for three years without Cost-of-Living Adjustment (COLA) December 2008-2012 that caused the 99.9% of the Great Recession.  The Commissioner not only needs to be removed from office for this misconduct but the Social Security Amendment of 2001 that gave him and his predecessors six year terms needs to be amended to provide for a more natural 2 year term, to maximize political harmonization with the President and majority. SSA may choose to appoint an Acting Commissioner. Through a combination of temporarily cushy tax rate and miserly benefits for the disabled and poor SSA saved too much over the past decade and after misbehaving in such a serious way must be penalized until their assets have gone down to the $2.4 trillion they had when the IMF also held $2.4 trillion right before the economic crisis. Resolved to increase benefit payments without increasing taxation until OASDI has gone down to $2.4 trillion, the question is when will the United States wise up and require SSA pay for SSI saving the General Fund $52 billion (base year FY 2012 retroactive?) plus normal 7% annual growth and what would be effect of measures to (1) finance supervised release at an estimated 14% annual growth and (2) eliminate poverty with revenues derived from removing the income cap on contributions? 


Changes to OASDI if SSA paid for SSI 2012(retroactive)-2020

(in millions)








Current OASDI Balance






OASDI Net Increase at end of year






SSI  7% annual growth from 2012






Revised Net Increase






Revised OASDI Balance



2,720, 650



SSI 14% annual growth from 2013






Revised Net Increase






Revised OASDI Balance












Current OASDI Balance






OASDI Net Increase at end of year






SSI  7% annual growth from 2012






Revised Net Increase






Revised OASDI Balance






SSI 14% annual growth from 2013





148, 363

Revised Net Increase






Revised OASDI Balance






Sources: Federal Budget Balanced to Prevent Debt from Exceeding 100% of GDP FY 2012. Hospitals & Asylums HA-13-7-12; 2012 Annual Report of the Board of Trustees of the Federal Old-Age and Survivors Insurance and Disability Insurance Trust Funds, Table IV.A.3 Operations of the Combined OASI and DI Trust Funds 2007-21; 2012 Annual Report of the SSI Program, Annual Report of the Advisory Council 2012 and Table C.1 SSI Federal Payment in Current Dollars 1974-2012; The Revised OASDI Balance may not take into account interest earnings wherefore it should be taken as a conservative estimate.


With 1.1 million applications approved out of 2.4 million applications and 7.7 million SSI beneficiaries in 2010 mental disability for penal service would only double the increase in costs by about 7% from 7% to 14% annually if done gradually aiming for 250 to 500 detainees per 100,000 residents by 2020.  Although some detainees are due disability insurance many, many more have contributed very little to the system and are due SSI.  SSA, the Court and Congress must of their own accord decide that evidence of penal service qualifies for mental disability and release prisoners to their post-conviction college degree for the enlightenment of the national prison population.  Imprisonment is every bit as stressful as receiving a disabling diagnosis according to the Holmes-Rahe Stress Scale, way beyond bankruptcy, economic ruin.  SSA has long considered involuntary commitment in psychiatric hospitals as qualifying for mental disability.  SSI is however currently paid for by the General Fund. OASDI assets are due penalty for the cruelty and miserliness of the $666 for three years without COLA by reducing assets from over $2.6 trillion to $2.4 by 2020 by making SSA pay for SSI, but the ace in the hole – the elimination of the income cap contributions – might bring in around $250 billion in new revenues annually to SSA without raising taxes for anyone but the rich, that must be invested directly in all those living below the poverty line with a healthy margin for the Baby Boomers to retire.  The Democratic minority may have organized opposition to the idea of SSA paying for SSI, but now that the ridiculous 2% OASI tax relief has been prohibited, and the books straightened out HA-13-7-12, there is a good chance that the Congress could hold SSA responsible for SSI in FY 2013 retroactive to FY2012, reducing the deficit by as much as terminating tax relief for those making over $450,000 and ensuring the solvency of this SSI program expansion.  The General Fund is so insolvent they otherwise might need to sell special issue freedom bonds.  SSA needs to pay for SSI and increase spending.  SSA can choose to release a lot of detainees to post-conviction college degrees and bill the insolvent General Fund for the increase in SSI costs until the day when they pay HA $1,000 for the balanced budget which holds SSA responsible for SSI retroactive to FY2012.  That is the best way.  To justify shifting the burden of SSI to SSA, Congress will be compelled to quickly reduce the term of Commissioner to two years, eliminate the income cap on contributions and there will be enough money to make a serious effort to eliminate poverty in the United States by 2020 without raising the overall OASDI tax rate ever.  Obama may be a “figurehead” without $1,000 to buy the balanced federal budget from HA, but he is a black figurehead, and even surrounded by the cruelest slavers European colonials could find in his insanely non-idealistic and adversarial human resource hiring practice, he is a lawyer, albeit from one of the most inferior law colleges in the world, Harvard, the styrene alma mater, Americans elected a black lawyer to the White House to inspire them and protect them while they free the slaves of the Thirteenth Amendment, and to lead he must pardon Rod Blagojevich, pay for compliance with the 250 detainee per 100,000 resident norm, by 2020. 


2.      Abolish Slavery Again


Oppressed people cannot remain oppressed forever.  The yearning for freedom eventually manifests itself.  The Bible tells the thrilling story of how Moses stood in Pharaoh’s court centuries ago and cried, “Let my people go”.  The present struggle in the United States is a later chapter in the same story.  Ever since the birth of our nation, white America has had a schizophrenic personality on the question of race.  A self which proudly professes the great principles democracy but which sadly practices the antithesis of democracy.   The backlash of today is rooted in the same problem that has characterized America ever since the black man landed in chains on the shores of this nation.  The white backlash is an expression of the same vacillations, the same search for rationalizations, the same lack of commitment that have always characterize white America on the question of race.  For more than two hundred years before the Declaration of Independence, Africa had been raped and plundered by Britain and Europe, her native kingdoms disorganized, and her people and rulers demoralized.  For a hundred years afterwards, the infamous trade continued in America virtually without abatement, even after it had ceased to be legal on this continent.  This ghastly blood traffic was so immense and its profits so stupendous that the economies of several European nations owed their growth and prosperity to it and New England rested heavily on it for its development.  It is important to understand that the basis for the birth, growth and development of slavery in America was primarily economic.  By the beginning of the seventeenth century, the British Empire had established colonies all along the Atlantic seaboard, from Massachusetts to the West Indies, to serve as producers of raw materials for British manufacturing, a market for goods manufactured in Britain and a source of staple cargoes for British shipping engaged in world trade.  So the colonies had to provide an abundance of rice, sugar, cotton and tobacco.  In the first few years of the various settlements along the East Coast, so-called indentured servants, mostly white, were employed on plantations.  But within a generation the plantation operators were demanding outright and lifetime slavery for the Africans they imported.  Africans were reduced to the status of property by law, and this status was enforced by the most rigid and brutal police power of the existing governments.  By 1650 slavery had been legally established as a national institution. Land and slaves were the chief forms of private property, property was wealth and the voice of wealth made the law and determined politics (King ’68: 180, 72, 75, 76).


Thomas Paine might have spared us both the Revolutionary and Civil Wars, when he wrote in 1775, ‘Call it independence or what you will, if it is the cause of God and humanity it will go on.  And when the Almighty shall have blest us, and made us a people dependent only on him, then may our first gratitude be shown by an act of continental legislation, which shall put a stop to the importation of Negroes for sale, soften the hard fate of those already here, and in time procure their freedom’. Common Sense sold half a million copies in the course of the Revolution. John Adams, in particular, detested its subversive tone and its implicit elevation of the common herd.  The later quarrels between Adams and Jefferson, which marked the early years of the republic and supplied the benchmarks for all future ‘left’ versus ‘right’ disputes in American politics, were always, either openly or covertly, arguments about Thomas Paine.  But within a few months the Continental Congress had decided on an irrevocable Declaration of Independence and appointed a committee, which included Adams, Jefferson and Franklin, to draft it.  It was Jefferson who was nominated to pull the threats together in one version, and it is obvious that he had both read and approved of Common Sense.  He even inserted a paragraph denouncing the slave trade, which was cut out by the Congress before the document was approved and published.  When Paine published the first part of the Rights of Man in 1791, it sold as many as 50,000 copies at once.  On 21 May 1792 Prime Minister William Pitt issued a “Royal Proclamation aimed at wicked and seditious writing’ and Paine received a summons to appear in court and answer to the charge of seditious libel. Paine was welcome in Calais, France as an honorary citizen and confirmed as the town’s deputy to the National Convention although his French was rudimentary.  In November 1792 the Convention met to decide the fate of King Louis (Capet).  Paine objected to the execution.  His argument, ‘Public torture and execution was the problem, not the answer.  France has been the first country to abolish monarchy let it also be the first abolish the punishment of death’.  The author of the Rights of Man was arrested one night at Christmas 1793, just as he was completing his work on the Age of Reason.  When the time for his execution came he was saved by an accident.  The chalk mark on the door of his cell, scheduling him for execution, was made by a stupid warder who put the chalk mark on the wrong side of the door.  On 28 July 1794 Robbespierre was himself put to death by guillotine.  With President Monroe’s support Paine’s release was only a few months away.  He was not immediately allowed to return to America but was restored his seat at the National Convention (Hitchens ’06: 28, 29, 37, 38, 60, 63). 


Negro life! Being Negro in America means being scarred by a history of slavery and family disorganization.  In Greece and Rome slaves preserved dignity and a measure of family life.  American institutions of slavery, on the other hand, began with the breakup of families on the coasts of Africa.  Because the middle passage was long and expensive, African families were torn apart in the interest of selectivity.  In the ships’ holds, black captives were packed in a space for each the size of a coffin on a voyage often lasting two to six months.  If water ran short, or famine threatened, or a plague broke out, whole cargoes of living and dead were thrown overboard.  The sheer physical torture was sufficient to murder millions of men, women, and children.  But even more incalculable was the psychological damage. Of those families who survived the voyage, many more were ripped apart on the auction block as soon as they reached American shores.  Against this ghastly background the Negro family began life in the United States.  On the plantation the institution of legal marriage for slaves did not exist.  The masters might direct mating, or if they did not intervene, marriage occurred without sanctions.  There were polygamous relationships, fragile monogamous relationships, illegitimacies, abandonment and the repetitive tearing apart of families as children, husbands or wives were sold to other plantations. But these cruel conditions were not the whole story.  Master and their sons used Negro women to satisfy their spontaneous lust or, when more humane attitudes prevailed, as concubines.  In Virginia slaves were bred for sale.  This breeding program was one answer to the legal halting of the slave traffic early in the nineteenth century.  The historian Kenneth Stampp, in his remarkable book The Peculiar Institution has a fascinating section on the psychological indoctrination that is necessary from the master’s viewpoint to make a good slave, noting five recurring aspects of this training. First, those who managed the slaves had to maintain strict discipline.  One master said, “Unconditional submission is the only footing upon which slavery should be placed”.  Another said, “The slave must know that his master is to govern absolutely and he is to obey implicitly, that he is never, for a moment to exercise either his will or judgment in opposition to a positive order”.  Second, the master felt that they had to implant in the bondsman a consciousness of personal inferiority.  This sense of inferiority was deliberately extended to his past.  The slave-owners were convinced that in order to control the Negroes, the slaves “had to feel that African ancestry tainted them, that their color was a badge of degradation”.  The third step in the training process was to awe the slaves with a sense of the master’s enormous power.  It was necessary, various owners said, “to make them stand in fear”.  The fourth aspect was the attempt to “persuade the bondsman to take an interest in the master’s enterprise and to accept his standards of good conduct”.  Thus the master’s criteria of what was good and true and beautiful were to accepted unquestionably by the slaves.  The final step, was “to impress Negroes with their helplessness: to create in them a habit of perfect dependence upon their masters” (King ’68: 110, 111, 112, 40).


Cotton Mather culled the Bible for passages to give comfort to the plantation owners and merchants.  He went so far as to set up some “Rules for the Society of Negroes” in which, among other things, Negroes disobedient to their masters were to be rebuked and denied attendance at church meetings, and runaway slaves were to be brought back and severely punished.  All of this, he reasoned, was in line with the Apostle Paul’s injunction that servants should be obedient to their masters.  Academicians developed the so-called Teutonic Origins theory, a doctrine of white supremacy surrounded by the halo of academic responsibility.  When George Washington died he owned, or had on lease, more than 160 slaves.  Generally we think of white supremacist views has having their origins in the unlettered, underprivileged, poorer-class whites.  But the social obstetricians who presided at the birth of the racist views in our country were from the aristocracy: rich merchants, influential clergymen, men of medical historians and political scientists from some of the leading universities of the nation.  Soon the doctrine of white supremacy was imbedded in every textbook and preached in practically every pulpit.  In 1857 the system of slavery was given its ultimate legal support by the Supreme Court of the United States in the Dred Scott decision, which affirmed that the Negro had no rights that the white man was bound to respect.  On January 1, 1863, Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation, freeing the Negro from the bondage of chattel slavery.  In giving freedom to the slave, we assure freedom to the free.  The significance of the Emancipation Proclamation was described by Frederick Douglas in these words: “Unquestionably, for weal or for woe the First of January is to be the most memorable day in American Annals.  The Fourth of July was great, but the First of January, when we consider it in all its relations and bearings, is incomparably greater.  The one had respect to the mere political birth of a nation, the last concerns the national life and character, and is to determine whether that life and character shall be radiantly glorious with all high and noble virtues, or infamously blackened, forevermore.  Four million newly liberate slaves found themselves with no brad to eat, no land to cultivate, no shelter to cover their heads.  It was like freeing a man who had been unjustly imprisoned for years, and on discovering his innocence sending him out with no bus fare to get home, no suit to cover his body, no financial compensation to atone for his long period of incarceration and to help him get a sound footing in society; sending him out with only the assertion “now you are free” (King ’68: 77, 81, 79, 83, 84).  As a matter of historical fact President Lincoln wrote the Emancipation Proclamation while wintering at Hospitals & Asylums (HA) Armed Forces Retirement Home.  There have been a number of complaints in the media that the Emancipation Proclamation was too short and contained some loopholes that did not free every slave.  HA is back to finish the job.


For a brief period after the Civil War ended in 1865, newly freed slaves enjoyed the right to vote, hold office and have equal access to education, jobs and services for the first time in the South.  But their former masters were not willing to give up their superior position in society.  Within a decade, white Southerners, intent on reestablishing segregation and depriving African-Americans of political power, began campaigns of terror, led by the Ku Klux Klan, to force blacks into abandoning their newfound rights.  By the late 1870s, white segregationists had regained political control over most state governments in the South and had passed “Jim Crow” laws, which legalized inequality between African Americans and whites in all areas of public life.  By 1880, less than 10 percent of African Americans eligible to vote were registered to vote in the Southern states, deterred by expensive poll taxes and bizarre literacy tests, which required that they recite the Constitution from memory.  African Americans were restricted to separate – and vastly inferior schools.  Restaurants, movie theatres, public transportation and sports arenas had separate seating, water fountains and bathrooms for blacks and whites.  Some businesses banned blacks altogether.  Many jobs were restricted to white applicants and African Americans received lower pay for doing the same work as whites.  All neighborhoods were officially segregated.  Always hovering in the background was the threat of violence. Blacks had no legal protection; Juries were all white, and prosecutors or police routinely intimidated witnesses and defendants.  Lynch mobs often took the law into their own hands.  By the 1950s, the South was still a segregated society, and African Americans had almost no political power to change these laws and customs.  In the national political party structure, race as an issue cut across party lines:  The Democratic Party had both liberal members in the North and segregationist members in the South.  Northern Republicans were liberal on racial issues, but other Republicans form the Midwest and West were not.  Attempts to change federal laws often failed because of these political party alliances.  In addition, a significant number of Southern senators used their powerful committee chairmanships to block legislation to override the Jim Crow laws.  And then there was the filibuster rule in the Senate, which allowed unlimited debate unless two-thirds of the Senate approved moving a bill to a majority vote.  Even in extreme cases where bills did manage to get to the Senate floor, the threat of unlimited debate prevent most civil rights legislation from ever being voted on (Schenkkan ’12: 4).


After World War II, exemplary Negro service in the military, the migration of  large numbers of African Americans to the north and the discrediting example of racism in Nazi Germany combined to create more favorable conditions to challenge segregation in the South  African American civil rights organizations like the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Urban League, led by Dr Martin Luther King Jr., Roy Wilkins, James Farmer, Stokely Carmichael and Whitney Young, began to tackle different aspects of discrimination and soon began to challenge segregation laws and inequality. In the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education case, the NAACP brought a legal challenge against segregation in the public schools in Topeka, Kansas, to the Supreme Court – and won.  The next year, in Montgomery, Alabama, Rosa Parks, a black seamstress, was arrested after she refused to give up her bus seat to ta white man.  In response, a young minister named Martin Luther King Jr. mounted a year-long, ultimately successful boycott against the Montgomery bus system.  Based on the nonviolent campaign by Mohandas Gandhi, the civil rights groups called attention to injustice by peaceful protests.  In 1960, college students, angry at restaurants refusing them service, began to conduct peaceful “sit-ins” at lunch counters in Nashville, Greensboro and Atlanta.  They were met with violence from some white citizens and arrests by police.  In 196, CORE organized the Freedom Riders to integrate interstate travel.  Black and white riders refused to sit in separate sections on buses as they roe through the Southern states.   In Birmingham and Anniston, Alabama, riders were brutally beaten and some of the buss were burned.  In 1963, in Birmingham, King and SCLC began a campaign of marches and demonstrations to end segregation in public places.  After a year-long campaign in which they were blasted with fire hoses and subjected to attacks by dogs and police ,the SCLC finally forced the integration of Birmingham.  The American public, shocked by television footage of the violence, began to favor ending Southern segregation.  But by 1964 the most basic civil rights for African Americans in the South were still not secured (Schenkkan ’12: 4, 5).


In November 1963, when Lyndon Johnson took office, the nation was poised at a crossroads.  The Democratic Party controlled the House, the Senate and the Supreme Court, all of which were disposed to favor civil rights reform.  King’s campaign in Birmingham had exposed the violence that kept African Americans from gaining full civil rights.  Polls showed the American public favoring reform, but gains by the civil rights movement were proceeding slowly, city by city, state by state.  Real progress could only be finally achieved by federal laws that would overrule the Jim Crow segregation laws in all the Southern states.  Lyndon Johnson used his background as Senate Majority Leader and his consummate political skills to force the 1964 Civil Rights Act through Congress against intense opposition from Southern state politicians.  Ultimately, the passage of the Act in July 1964, and then the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights At, changed the South forever.  The Civil Rights Act outlawed all state laws that maintained segregation.  This meant the end of white and “colored” drinking fountains and bathrooms, segregated restaurants, libraries and universities.  The Voting Rights Act outlawed all state laws and practices that prevented African Americans form registering to vote, like the poll taxes, literacy requirements and intimidation.  Most importantly, the law contained provisions that forced states to comply.  A procedure called pre-clearance identified counties in the United States that had not achieved minimum levels of minority voter registration and required local authorities to clear any new voter rules with the Department of Justice.  Within a few years, African American voter registration throughout the South greatly increased and the bulwarks of institutionalized racism in the South disappeared.  Today, black voter registration in the South is equal to that of whites.  Mississippi, once a bastion of institutional inequality, stands as an example of change.  In 1965 only 7 percent of blacks of voting age were registered.  Today, 76 percent are (Schenkken ’68: 5).


Johnson dedicated himself to civil rights and had to deal with Hoover’s smear campaign against King.  J. Edgar Hoover is a unique personality in American politics.  After becoming the founding director of the FBI in 1924, he ruled the agency like a private fiefdom for nearly 50 years.  He was obsessed with control and with people’s sex lives – to the point of amassing 300,000 personal files on the sexual proclivities of Americans who were unrelated to any criminal investigation.  It is widely accepted that Hoover used these files to assure political clout.  For instance, he compiled files on John F. Kennedy’s many sexual affairs and on several of LBJ’s.  Hoover was most obsessed with investigating Communism.  In 1956, he originated the Counter Intelligence Program (COINTELPRO), which conducted surveillance on thousands of people, mostly ordinary American citizens who were not part of any spy activity.  But in the 1960s, Hoover’s focus turned to the civil rights movement, which he equated with Communist conspiracy.  He began what can only be called a personal vendetta against Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference after King criticized FBI policies in the South.  Hoover blackmailed New York Herald Tribune columnist Joseph Alsop into printing false stories about King having Communist associations.  In 1964, Hoover blackmailed SCLC bookkeeper James Harrison into giving him King’s travel plans so he could illegally bug King’s hotel rooms.  As a result, Hoover obtained key information about such civil rights campaigns as Freedom Summer and also about King’s sexual affairs.  Hoover anonymously sent a box of tape recordings of King’s infidelities to his home with a note encouraging him to commit suicide.  By mistake, Coretta King opened the box and was the first to hear the recordings.  Some speculate that Hoover’s obsession with King was based on racism or personal jealousy.  Others, like authors Anthony Summers and Rick Geary, contend that Hoover’s obsession with other’s personal lives stemmed from his long personal relationship with assistant FBI director, Clyde Tolson, and that his condemnation of King was a sad projection of his own internal conflicts.  In any case, Hoover’s clout was such that his misuse of the FBIs powers was checked only by his death in 1972 (Schenkken ’12: 2, 4, 5).


During Lyndon Johnson’s presidency, he would pass the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and the Great Society programs that would do more to alleviate poverty in American than any other legislation in American history.  Johnson’s ambition was born of poverty in rural Texas.  His father, a struggling businessman, passed on to him the values of business acumen and entrepreneurial spirit.  His father was also elected to the legislature, and Johnson observed firsthand the intrigues behind the processes of government.  His mother on the other hand, tried to impress upon him the values of idealism and progressive thinking.  After graduating from college in 1930, Johnson taught poor Mexican children in the small town of Cotulla, Texas.  LBJ signed the Higher Education Act of 1965. 6 Johnson’s ambition led him to seek elected office, and he was first elected to the House of Representatives in 1937.  He became an assiduous acolyte of the powerful, particularly House Speaker Sam Rayburn and President Franklin Roosevelt.  He soon showed that he could be extremely effective politically.  One of his big achievements was getting the Rural Electrification Administration to finally bring power to the hill country of Texas, which alleviated poverty.  In his first election to the Senate in 1948, a huge controversy erupted over the final election tally: After a primary election against three Democratic candidates and then a runoff election that had to be decided by a special committee vote, Lyndon Johnson emerged the winner by just 87 votes.  There were charges of fraud, but they came to nothing.  Still, he was sardonically tagged “Landslide  Lyndon” thereafter.  During the 1950s, Johnson worked his way up to the position of Majority Leader of the Senate through a series of expedient political moves and by attaching himself to key mentor figure, particularly Richard Russell, one of the most powerful men in the Senate.  Russell was an ardent if diplomatic segregationist and the leader of the conservative collation that had effectively prevented the passage of any new federal laws that would override state segregation laws in the South.  Through Russell’s influence, Johnson became Senate Majority Leader in 1955 (Schenkken ’12: 6).


But all along Johnson had a higher ambition: to be president of the United States.  Toward this end, he also courted liberal member of the Senate, like Hubert Humphrey, and tried to win their confidence by passing legislation supportive of their goals, whenever possible.  Although Johnson rarely spoke out on the particular issue of civil rights, he was responsible for the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1957, the first piece of civil rights legislation passed since Reconstruction.  He managed to achieve both goodwill from Senate liberals for undertaking to pass what was primarily a voting rights bill and approval from Senate segregationists for greatly weakening it.  In the end, though, liberals felt that under Johnson’s Senate leadership, the bill was so watered-down that it was useless in enforcing any civil rights legislation in the South.  Author Nick Kotz in Judgment Days quotes NAACP head Roy Wilkins on Johnson’s gutting of the bill, likening it to “soup made from the bones of an emaciated chicken which had died from starvation”.  His techniques of persuasion, known as “the Johnson treatment” were legendary.  From his pockets poured clippings, memos, statistics.  In the Democratic primary process of 1960, Johnson had lost the presidential nomination to John F. Kennedy.  Although he considered Kennedy a lightweight and felt enormous resentment, he nevertheless accepted the vice presidential slot on the ticket.  The experience was apparently humiliating; Johnson felt isolated form the avenues of power that he had controlled as Senate Majority Leader, and the Kennedy brothers seemed to keep their distance from him, whether out of political rivalry or personal dislike.  When John F. Kennedy was assassinated in November 1963, few in the civil rights movement and in the liberal wing of the Democratic Party held out hope that Johnson would avidly pursue the goals of the civil rights movement.  But people knew little about who Lyndon Johnson was outside of the political arena and what he might do with the full powers of the presidency at his disposal.  There was another side to Johnson little evidenced in his political career except in his general support for Roosevelt’s New Deal policies.  Those close to Johnson could see two different impulses: to better the lot of America’s disadvantaged and to pursue a pragmatic path of personal political success.  Looking back, his place in history is as a civil rights champion (Schenkken ’12: 6, 7).


Just as an ambivalent nation freed the slaves a century ago with no plan or program to make their freedom meaningful, the still ambivalent nation in 1954 declared school segregation unconstitutional with no plan or program to make integration real.  Just as the Congress passed a civil rights bill in 1968 and refused to enforce it, the Congress passed a civil rights bill in 1964 and to this day has failed to enforce it in all its dimensions.  Just as the Fifteenth Amendment in 1870 proclaimed Negro suffrage, only to permit its de facto withdrawal in half the nation, so in 1965 the Voting Rights Law was passed and then permitted to languish with only fractional and halfhearted implementation.  The civil rights measures of the 1960s engraved solemn rights in the legal literature (King ’68: 86).  When the war against poverty came into being in 1964, it seemed to herald a new day of compassion.  It was the bold assertion that the nation would no longer stand complacently by while millions of its citizens smothered in poverty in the midst of opulence.  What is needed on the part of white America is a committed altruism which recognizes the truth.  True altruism is more than the capacity to pity; it is the capacity to empathize.  Pity is feeling sorry for someone; empathy is feeling sorry with someone.  Empathy is fellow feeling for the person in need – his pain, agony and burdens.  I doubt if the problems of our teeming ghettos will have a great chance to be solved until the white majority, through genuine empathy comes to feel the ache and anguish of the Negroes’ daily life.  Jews progress(ed) because they possessed a tradition of education combined with social and political action.  The Jewish family enthroned education and sacrificed to get it.  The result was far more than abstract learning.  Uniting social action with educational competence, Jews became enormously effective in political life.  Those Jews who became lawyers, businessmen, writers, entertainers, union leaders and medical men did not vanish into the pursuits of their trade exclusively.  They lived an active life in political circles, learning the techniques and arts of politics. Nor was it only the rich who were involved in social and political action.  Millions of Jews for half a century remained relatively poor, but they were far from passive in social and political areas.  They lived in homes in which politics was a household word.  They were deeply involved in radical parties liberal parties and conservative parties, they formed many of them.  Jews sank into despair and escapism even when discrimination assailed the spirit and corroded initiative.  Their life raft in the sea of discouragement was social action (King ’68: 107, 163).  Since the beginning of the 21st century Zion came to violate humanitarian law and the number of American Jews declined from 6 million to 3 million, rising to 5 million in support of the two State solution – (all that is needed is a Palestinian Supreme Court).  


Negro population is burgeoning in major cities as tides of migrants flow into them in search of employment and opportunity.  These new migrants have substantially higher birth rates than characterize the white population.  The two trends, along with the exodus of the white population to the suburbs, are producing fast-gathering Negro majorities in the large cities.  The changing composition of the cities must be seen in the light of their political significance.  Particularly in the North, the large cities substantially determine the political destiny of states.  These states, in turn, hold the dominating electoral votes in presidential contests. The future of the Democratic Party, which rests so heavily on its coalition of urban minorities, cannot be assessed without taking to account which way the Negro vote turns.  The wistful hopes of the Republican Party for large city influence will also be decided not in the boardrooms of great corporations but in the teeming ghettos.  Its 1963 disaster with Goldwater, in which fewer than 6 percent of Negroes voted Republican, indicates that the illustrious ghost of Abraham Lincoln is not sufficient for winning Negro confidence, not so long as the party fails to shrink the influence of its ultra-right wing.  The future of the deep structural changes we seek will not be found in the decaying political machines.  It lies in the new alliances of Negroes, Puerto Ricans, labor, liberals, certain church and middle-class elements.  It is noteworthy that the largest single civil rights action ever conducted was the New York school boycott, when nearly half a million Negroes and Puerto Ricans united in a demonstration that emptied segregated schools (King ’68: 154, 155, 159). Today the Republican Party is viewed as having conservative economic and social agendas and the Democratic party is seen as having liberal economic and social agendas.  But in the early 1960s the Democratic Party also has a Southern wing that was extremely conservative on issues like race and the Republican Party had a wing that was very liberal on social issues.  In 1948 the Democratic convention adopted a pro-civil rights plank.  The Southern conservatives walked out, nominating Strom Thurmond for president of their “Dixiecrat” Party.  They returned to the Democratic fold after the election, but this break foreshadowed their eventual defection to the Republican Party and the liberal slant of the Democratic Party today.  The Republican National Convention in 1964 featured a similar split between the moderates of the party, headed by Nelson Rockefeller, and the conservatives, headed by Barry Goldwater.  Although Goldwater lost the 1964 election, his policies later became the cornerstone of the Republican Party (Schenkken ’12: 3).  The political battle is not just fought over getting supporters and getting them to vote.  It’s also fought over not allowing those who disagree with you to vote – return to the mindset of two centuries ago, when the voting franchise was severely restricted.  In the UK, until the Reform Act of 1832, only large property owners or people of considerable wealth could vote.  The elites didn’t trust what might happen if voting rights were extended.  In the Jim Crow South at the end of the nineteenth century, white politicians devised poll taxes that were designed to disenfranchise the former slaves and their descendants, who wouldn’t have the wherewithal to pay.  Those taxes, combined with literacy tests and sometimes violence and terror, succeeded in substantially lowering electoral turnouts and in increasing the Democratic vote share.  In Ecuador, before 1979 only the literate could vote, and the ruling elite made sure that the indigenous people didn’t have sufficient education to qualify.  Elites fear they will lose their position of power and privilege, and even their wealth, if they extended the voting franchise (King ’68: 129).  Many of the disenfranchisement has been targeted at the poor.  In the 1930s pauper exclusion laws disenfranchised jobless men and women who were receiving relief (Stiglitz ’12: 130).  When a man is able to make his way through the maze of handicaps and get just one foot out of the jungle of poverty and exploitation, he is subject to the whims of the political and economic giants of the city, which move in impersonally to crush the little flower of success that has just begun to bloom (King ’68: 124). 


More than 20 million people took to the streets on the first Earth Day (22 April 1970).  It was the largest demonstration in American history.  Many African American political and civil rights leaders were concerned that the environmental movement shifted national attention and discourse away from the civil rights movement.  When newly elected African American politicians were interviewed in 1970 by the national media on the topic of the environmental movement, they did not hesitate to express their disdain and disappointment over the country’s sudden embrace and focus on environmental issues so soon after the assassination of leading civil rights leaders and deaths of political activists.  Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm, the first African-American woman elected to Congress, held a slightly different opinion about the relationship between economic and environmental enfranchisement, “It will do black Americans absolutely no good to be politically and economically enfranchised into a system that systematically denies human values and destroys the environment that sustains life.  By affirming and fighting for the values that are life sustaining, black politicians can become the vanguard of the forces that save this country, if it is to be saved” (Egan & Crane ’09: 208).    In 1920 there were more than 900,000 farms operated by African-Americans in the United States.  Today, there are only 18,000 black people who name farming as their primary occupation.  Black farmers cultivate less than half a percent of the country’s farmland.   From the 1960s to 1990s about 115,000 black farmers left the profession.  By the last decade of the twentieth century, the typical African American farmer who remained on the land was sixty years old.  By the end of the 1980s there were fewer than two thousand African American farmers under the age of twenty-five in the entire United States.  For black farmers in the twentieth century who outlasted the upheaval of the Great Migration, there were more subtle forces that drove them off their land.  In 1982 a bipartisan U.S. Commission on Civil Rights issued a report called “The Decline of Black Farming in America” that attempted to understand why black farmers were leaving the profession at two and a half times greater than that of whites.  The committee found that one important reason was that black farmers were small farmers.  The average commercial farm owned by a black man in the South was 128 acres.  The average farm of a white landowner was 428 acres.  Almost all the technological innovations that the United States government had subsidized over the previous decades were geared toward increasing the productivity of large farms, and not to making small farms sustainable.  By the late 1970s payments for participating small farmers were as low as $365.  Farms with more than 2,500 acres, on the other hand, received as much as $36,000 a year.  These policies allowed larger farms to borrow and invest capital in more land and improved technology, resulting in increased production on their part and providing for an “increasing disadvantage for small farmers”.  The USDA has acknowledged that these income-support programs could be contributing to the loss of small farms. Then, in 1983, President Ronald Reagan closed the USDA Civil Rights Office and the US stopped responding to claims of discrimination.  In 1984 to 1985 the agency lent $1.3 billion to farmers in order to buy land.  Sixteen thousand farmers received these loans.  Only 209 of them were black (Allen ’12: 237, 6, 101, 103).  By 2011 there were so few black farmers the USDA afforded protestors a settlement for racial discrimination in agricultural subsidies.


3.      The Price of Freedom


Two-thirds of the peoples of the world go to bed hungry at night. They are undernourished, ill-housed and shabbily clad.  Many of them have no houses or beds to sleep in.  Their only beds are the sidewalks of the cities and the dusty roads of the villages.  Today the question on the agenda must read: why should there be hunger and privation in any land, in any city, at any table, when man has the resources and the scientific know-how to provide all mankind with the basic necessities of life?  Even deserts can be irrigated and topsoil can be replaced.  We cannot complain of a lack of land, for there are 25 million square miles of tillable land on earth, of which we are using less than seven million.  We have amazing knowledge of vitamins, nutrition, the chemistry of food and the versatility of atoms. There is no deficit in human resources, the deficit is in human will.  There is need now for a general strategy of support.  Sketchy aid here and there will not suffice, nor will it sustain economic growth.  There must be a sustained effort extending through many years.  The wealthy nations of the world must promptly initiate a massive, sustained Marshall Plan for Asia, Africa and South America.  If they would allocate just 2 percent of their gross national product annually for a period of ten or twenty years for the development of the underdeveloped nations, mankind would go a long way toward conquering the ancient enemy, poverty.  Truth is found neither in traditional capitalism nor in classical Communism.  Capitalism fails to see the truth in collectivism.  Communism fails to see the truth in individualism.  The good and just society is neither the thesis of capitals nor the antithesis of Communisms, but a socially conscious democracy which reconciles the truths of individualism and collectivism. We still have a choice today: nonviolent coexistence or violent co-annihilation.  This may well be mankind’s last chance to choose between chaos and community (King ’68: 187, 189, 197, 202). A one percent FICA tax on wages, 0.5 percent employee and 0.5% employer, for international development (ID) would be a sufficient resolution of the Millennium Development Goals for 2015 to bring the 1 percent 2020 international income tax into focus.


There are moments in history when people all over the world seem to rise up, to say that something is wrong, to ask for change.  2011 may prove to such a moment.  A youth uprising that began in Tunisia, a little country on the coast of North Africa, spread to nearby Egypt, then to other countries of the Middle East, taking down such long-established dictators as Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak and Libya’s Muammar Qaddafi.  Soon the people of Spain and Greece, the United Kingdom and the United States, and other countries around the world, had their own reasons to be in the streets.  The political grievances in the Middle East were very different from those in the West, there were some shared themes.  There was a common understanding that in many ways the economic and political system had failed and that both were fundamentally unfair. The name chosen by the young Spanish protesters in their movement that began on May 15 was “los indignados” the indignant or outraged.  They were outraged that so many would suffer so much – exemplified by a youth unemployment rate in excess of 40 percent since the beginning of the crisis in 2008 – as a result of the misdeeds of those in the financial sector.  In the United States the “Occupy Wall Street” movement echoed the same refrain.  The unfairness of a situation in which so many lost their homes and their jobs while the bankers enjoyed large bonuses was grating.  But the US protests went beyond a focus on Wall Street to the broader inequities in American society.  Their slogan became “the 99 percent”.  The protesters who took this slogan echoed the title of an article I wrote for the magazine Vanity Fair, “Of the 1%, for the 1%, by the 1%”, which described the enormous increase in inequality in the United States and a political system that seemed to give disproportionate voice to those on the top (Stiglitz ’11: ix, x, xi). Banks have been repeatedly bailed out.  The Mexican bailout of 1995, the Indonesian, Thai and Korean bailouts of 1997-98, the Russian bailout of 1998, the Argentinean bailout of 2000, these and others were all really bank bailouts, though thy carried the name of the country where banks had lent excessively.  Then, in 2008-09, the U.S. government was engaged in yet another bailout, this one the most massive ever, and without any discipline by firing executives (as the UK did) or making shareholders and bondholders take a hit – they don’t pay any insurance premiums and are not generally considered insured like depositors (Stiglitz ’12: 161, 171). Inequality in dividends is greater than that in wages and salaries, and the inequality in capital gains is greater than that in any other form of income, so giving a tax break to capital gains is, in effects giving a tax break to the very rich.  The bottom 90 percent of the population gets less than 10 percent of all capital gains.  Under 7 percent of households earning less than $100,000 receive any capital gains in come and for these households capital gains and dividend income combined make up an average of 1.4 percent of their total income.  Salaries and wages accounted for only 8.8 percent of the income of the top 400, capital gains for 57 percent, and interest and dividends for 16 percent – so 73 percent of their income was subject to low rates.  Indeed, the top 400 taxpayers garner close to 5 percent of the country’s entire dividends.  They posted an average of $153.7 million in gains each (a total of $61.5 billion in gains) in 2008, $228.6 million each (for a total of $91.4 billion) in 2007.  Lowering the tax on capital gains from the ordinary rate of 35 percent to 15 percent thus gave each of these 400, on average, a gift of $30 million in 2008 and $45 million in 2007, and it lowered overall tax revenues by $12 billion in 2008 and $18 billion in 2007. The overall tax rate in 2007 on the top 400 households was only 16.6 percent, considerably lower than the 20.4 percent for taxpayers in general. While the average tax rate has decreased little since 1979 – going from 22.2 percent to 20.4 percent, that of the top 1 percent has fallen by almost a quarter, from 37 percent to 29.5 percent (Stiglitz ’12: 72, 73).


The 2007-08 financial crisis and the Great Recession that followed case vast number of Americans adrift.  A half decade later, one out of six Americans who would like a full-time job still couldn’t find one; some eight million families have been told to leave their homes and millions more anticipate seeing foreclosure notices in the not-too-distant future, still more saw their lifetime savings seemingly evaporate.  The top 1 percent earn a fifth of national income and own a third of tangible wealth.  From 2002 to 2007 the top 1 percent seized more than 65 percent of the gain in total national income.  After the recession, although the top 1 percent were initially hit hard by slumping stock prices, but they recovered reasonably well and relatively fast and since the recession the top 1 percent of Americans have gained 93 percent of the additional income created in the country in 2010.  CEOs were successful in maintaining their high pay, after a slight dip in 2008, the ratio of CEO annual compensation to that of the typical worker by 2010 was back to what it had been before the crisis, 243 to 1. The marked reduction in inequality in the period between 1950 and 1970 was due partly to developments in the markets but even more to government policies, such as the increased access to higher education provided by the GI Bill and the highly progressive tax system enacted during World War II.  In the years after Reagan the divide in market incomes increased while government initiatives were dismantled, taxes at the top were lowered and social programs were cut back. Brazil has had one of the highest levels of inequality in the world, but in the 1990s it realized the perils and has been striving, to improve the plight of the poor and reduce gaps in income between rich and poor, America has allowed inequality to grow and poverty to increase. (Stiglitz ’12: 1, 3, 5). When Greece proposed to submit the tough austerity program that had been prepared to a popular referendum, there arose a shout of horror from European officials and the bankers.  Greek citizens might reject the proposal, and that might mean that the creditors would not be repaid. Greece;, to secure its 2011 bailout by the European Union, was forced to pass laws affecting not only the budget but also the health sector, the rights of unions in collective bargaining and the minimum wage. In the United States the current annual deficit is running close to $1.3 trillion, or 10 percent of the GDP (Stiglitz ’12: 139, 141, 114).  According to the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) federal debt exceeds 100 percent of the GDP, but after minimal correction the 100 percent debt to GDP ratio is permanently avoided, so the press was silent about Federal Budget Balanced to Prevent Debt from Exceeding 100% of GDP FY 2012 HA-13-7-12.


One measure to reduce is income inequality is to effectively tax the rich. If the tax cuts were extended for the next decade, the budgetary costs for 2011-20 would be $3.3 trillion.  Of the 2012 budget deficit, around a fifth is attributed to the Bush tax cuts. In 2012 the downturn accounted for almost two-thirds of the deficit – 16 percent of the deficit was for measures to stimulate the economy (the stimulus package that included tax cuts, aid to stats and public investment); but almost half (48 percent) of the entire deficit was a result of the underperformance of the economy which led to lower tax revenues and higher expenditures on unemployment insurance, food stamps and other social protection programs.  These shortfalls reflect the fact that the U.S. GDP in 2012 is predicted to be nearly $900 billion short of its potential (Stiglitz ’12: 211).  Federal finance is that incompetent.  For instance, the Vice-President agreed to a basic two-years extension of all the Bush tax cuts ($544 billion), the payroll tax cut for a year ($112 in 2012), the Kyl-Lincoln estate tax plan (at least $25 billion) and extension of unemployment insurance for 13 months ($56.5 billion).  Businesses would save an estimated $250 billion in taxes.  In addition, the highest rate on capital gains and dividends would remain at 15 percent for two years (Woodward ’12: 75).  These provisions have fallen out of favor and are generally considered expensive unnecessary subsidies, a mistake.  The 74 page Budget Control Act of 2011 guaranteed that Obama would get $2.4 trillion added to the debt ceiling.  Nearly $2.4 trillion would be cut over 10 years, beginning in 2013.  The house passed the bill by a vote of 269 in favor with 174 Republicans joined by 95 Democrats.  The Senate followed next with a vote of 74-26 that included majorities from both parties, and the president signed it. By law, some $2.4 trillion in spending cuts must begin in 2013, starting with an increase in income and payroll taxes on those making over $450,000 a year (Woodward ’12: 355, 356, 379) for those taxpayers, in the top two tax rates would rise back to their pre-2001 levels, from 33% to 36% for the second bracket and 39.6% in the highest bracket (Geithner ’10: 150) HA-28-2-10, estimated during negotiations to bring in an average of $80 billion annually, $800 billion over the decade, with a 24 percent deduction limit (Woodward ’12: 160).  Congress is therefore obligated to come up with twice that deficit reduction beginning in 2012.  Congress must be dissuaded from boring the press with non-unanimous budgetary negotiations, and the Treasury from selling bonds which seem unnecessary, are non-existential and clearly in excess of the reasonable three percent limits of sustained growth in HA-28-2-10 and HA-13-7-12.


The other measure to reduce income inequality is to pay benefits to the poor. Ordinary Americans have been hard hit by the crisis and poorer Americans, who were just beginning to glimpse the American dream, have done particularly badly.  Between 2005 and 2009 the typical African American household has lost 53 percent of its wealth, putting its assets at a mere 5 percent of the average white American’s and the average Hispanic households has lost 66 percent of its wealth.  And even the net worth of the typical white American household was down substantially, to $113,149 in 2009, a 16 percent loss of wealth from 2005. Young men who are less educated have a harder time and those who have only graduated from high school have seen their real incomes decline by more than a quarter in the last twenty-five years.  While the unemployment rate among those with a college degree or higher was only 4.2 percent those with less than a high school diploma faced an unemployment rate three times higher, at 12.9 percent.  The picture for recent high school dropouts and even graduates not enrolled in college is far more dismal: jobless rates of 42.7 percent and 33.4 percent, respectively. But even households of individuals with a bachelor’s degree or higher have not done well, their median income fell by a tenth from 2000 to 2010.   An increasing fraction of young adults are living with their parents: some 19 percent of men between twenty-five and thirty-four, up from 14 percent as recently as 2005.  For women in this age group, the increase was from 8 percent to 10 percent.  In just one year (2010) the number of couples who were living together without being married jumped by 13 percent.  The fraction of those in poverty was 15.1 percent in 2010, up from 12.5 percent in 2007.  And our discussion above should have made clear how low the standard of living is of those at that threshold.  At the very bottom, by 2011 the number of American families in extreme poverty – living on two dollars a day per person or less, the measure of poverty used by the World Bank for developing countries- had doubled since 1996 to 1.5 million.  We have the wealth and resources to eliminate poverty: Medicare and Social Security have almost eliminated poverty among the elderly.  And other countries, not as rich as the United States, have done a better job of reducing poverty and inequality.  It is particularly disturbing that today almost a quarter of all children live in poverty.  Only 58 percent of children born to the bottom group make it out and when they do move up, they tend to move up only a little.  In Denmark 75 percent of children born poor grow out of poverty, in Britain 70 percent. By the same token, once one makes it to the top in the United States, one is more likely to remain there (Stiglitz ’12: 13, 14, 75, 7, 15, 16, 17).


The Gini coefficient measures inequality.  If income were shared equally among everyone so the bottom 10 percent received 10 percent of the income and the bottom 20 percent 20 percent the Gini coefficient would be zero.  There would be no inequality.  On the other hand, if all the income went to the top person, the Gini coefficient would be one, in some sense “perfect” inequality. More-equal societies have Gini coefficients of .3 or below.  These include Sweden, Norway and Germany.  The most unequal societies have Gini coefficient of .5 or above.  These include some countries in Africa (notably South Africa with its history of grotesque racial inequality) and Latin American long recognized for their divided and often dysfunctional societies and policies.  In 1980 the U.S. Gini coefficient was just touching .4, today it’s .47.  According to UN data, we are slightly more unequal than Iran and Turkey and much less equal than any country in European Union. The UNDP has developed a standard measure of “human development”, which aggregates measures of income, health and education.  It then adjusts those numbers to reflect inequality.  Before adjustment for inequality, the United States looked reasonably good in 2011, fourth, behind Norway, Australia, and Netherlands.  But once account is taken of inequality, the United States ranked twenty-third, behind all of the European countries.  All of the Scandinavian countries rank much higher than the U.S. and each provides not only universal education but also health care to its citizens. The mantra in the U.S. is that taxes to finance these benefits stifle growth. However, over the period 2000 to 2010, high-taxing Sweden, grew far faster than the U.S. the country’s average growth rates have exceeded those of the U.S. – 2.31 percent a year versus 1.85 percent. While tax policies can either let the rich get richer or restrain the growth of inequality, expenditure programs can play an especially important role in preventing the poor form becoming poorer.  Social Security has almost eliminated poverty among the elderly.  The earned-income tax credit, which supplements the income of poor working families, by itself lowers the poverty rate by an estimated 2 percent.  Housing subsidies, food stamps, school lunch programs and universal children’s health insurance, all have big effects in lowering poverty (Stiglitz ’12: 23, 22, 74).  For many years economists have agreed that US GDP statistics were artificially high and did not reflect the per capita income of the average citizen.  The US must moderate their prospects for economic growth as a developed nations whose potential is limited by the law of diminishing returns.  A more effective method of gauging prosperity is pre-tax, Gross National Income.  GNI figures are however also misleading because they do not account for the cost of taxation and work related expenses or why so much wealth is concentrated in the hands of a few.  The US Census Bureau estimates that in 2004 the median family income was $44,334 and the average family size was 2.59, yielding a per capita income of $17,117; average per capita money income was estimated at $21,587 in 1999.  In 2006, the average American worker earned $29,544 (Waxman 2007).  Income inequality, as measured by the Gini co-efficient, has steadily increased since 1970, before which time it flucuated between 0.35 and 0.38.  Between 2000 and 2005 the Gini inequality coefficient increased from 0.433 to 0.440.  If the 0.02 growth rate of growth of income inequality remains unchanged the Gini co-efficient would rise from 0.440 in 2005 to 0.500 in 2010.  Using the Gini co-efficient for 2005 the per capita GDP was $23,132 and the per capita income was $19,480 HA-20-1-08.


Three themes resonated around the world: that market weren’t working the way they were supposed to for they were obviously neither efficient nor stable; that the political system hadn’t corrected the market failures; and that the economic and political systems are fundamentally unfair. The nature of the lives people can lead has been the object of attention of social analysts over the ages.  However, much-used economic criteria of advancement, reflected in a mass of readily produced statistics, have tended to focus specifically on the enhancement of inanimate objects of convenience (for example the Gross national product (GNP), and gross domestic product (GDP), which have been the focus of a myriad of economic studies of progress).  The case for using instead direct indicators of the quality of life and of the well-being and freedoms that human lives can bring has been increasingly recognized. The relevance of disability in the understanding of the deprivation in the world is often underestimated, and this can be one of the most important arguments for paying attention to the capability perspective.  People with physical or mental disability are not only among the most deprived human beings in the world, they are also, frequently enough, the most neglected.  The magnitude of the global problem of disability in the world is truly gigantic.  More than 600 million people – about one in ten of all human beings – live with some form of significant disability.  More than 400 million of them live in developing countries.  Furthermore, in the developing world, the disabled are quite often the poorest of the poor in terms of income, but in addition their need for income is greater than that of able-bodied people, since they require money and assistance to try to live normal lives and to attempt to alleviate their handicaps.  The impairment of income-earning ability, which can be called ‘the earning handicap’, tends to be reinforced and much magnified in its effect by ‘the conversion handicap’ the difficulty in converting incomes and resources into good living, precisely because of disability.  One of the complications in evaluating states of health arises from the fact that the person’s own understanding of their health may be limited by lack of medical knowledge and by inadequate familiarity with comparative information.  More generally, there is a conceptual contrast between the ‘internal views of health based on the patient’s perception and ‘external’ views based on observations and examinations by trained doctors or pathologists.  While the two perspectives can often be fruitfully combined (a good medical practitioner would be interested in both) there can also be considerable tension between evaluations based on the two different outlooks.  The external view has come under considerable criticism recently.  These works bring out the importance of seeing suffering as a central feature of illness.  No mechanically observed medical statistic can provide an adequate understanding of this dimension of bad health, since pain, is a matter of self-perception.  If you feel pain, then you have pain, and if you do not feel pain, then no external observer can sensibly reject the view that you do not have pain (Sen ’09: 274, 258, 284, 285).  Lack of health insurance is one factor contributing to poorer health especially among the poor.  The United States and South Africa are the only industrialized nations in the world that do not have universal health insurance systems and it is estimated that 51 million Americans are uninsured up from 47 million before the crisis.  Life expectancy in the United States is 78 years, lower than Japan’s 83 years or Australia’s or Israel’s 82 years.  According to the World Bank, in 2009 the United States ranked fortieth overall, just below Cuba.  Infant and maternal mortality in the United States is little better than in some developing countries; for infant mortality, it is worse than Cuba, Belarus and Malaysia, to name a few. Life expectancy at birth for blacks in 2009 was 74.3 compared with 78.6 for whites (Stiglitz ’12: 14, 69, 70).  Racial health disparities might go away if African-Americans with civilizational diseases would get effective medicines, disability, retirement or employment and move to rural communities with healthy cultures, eat organic foods and be a high performing athlete, with or without their family.  Negro families must not be denied antibiotics or Sporonox (itracanazole) that cures pulmonary and extrapulmonary aspergillosis caused by Aspergillus niger sold to laboratories.  Consumers of anti-psychotic medicine who suffer from Parkinsonlike extra-pyramidal symptoms in all antipsychotic medicine but Risperdal (Risperidone) can be effectively treated with one dose of Symmetrel (Amantadine), that also has antiviral properties and can be purchased online without prescription from 


4.      The Pardon of Rod Blagojevich


Rod Blagojevich was indicted by a federal grand jury in April 2009. Most of the charges related to attempts to sell the Senate seat vacated by then-President-elect Barack Obama. On August 17, 2010, he was convicted on one of the 24 federal charges, a charge of lying to the FBI, and the jury was hung on 23 other count.  The defense did not call a single witness, claiming that prosecutors did not prove their case. Because the jury could not agree on the remaining charges, a mistrial was ordered for those counts. Within fifteen minutes after the mistrial was declared, the prosecution team announced that they would definitely pursue a retrial on the twenty-three mistrial counts. A post-verdict court date was set for August 23, 2010.  Federal prosecutors reduced the number of counts for Blagojevich's retrial, and on June 27, 2011, he was found guilty of 17 of the 20 remaining charges, not guilty on one, and no verdict was rendered by the jury on two counts. He was found guilty on all charges pertaining to the senate seat, as well as extortion relating to state funds being directed towards a children's hospital and race track. However, he was acquitted on a charge pertaining to the tollway extortion and avoided a guilty verdict (by split decision) on attempting to extort Rahm Emanuel. On Wednesday, December 7, 2011, Blagojevich was sentenced to 14 years in federal prison. He reported to prison on March 15, 2012 at Federal Correctional Institution, Englewood in Littleton, Colorado. There is no parole in the Federal Prison System, however under federal rules, Blagojevich will serve at least 85%, or 12 years of his sentence after which time he may be eligible for early release (in 2024) based on good behavior. Legal experts have gone on record as claiming a news conference held by Federal prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald was in violation of the ethical guidelines established by the Justice Department and has subsequently resigned.  Attorneys for Rod Blagojevich, are now gearing up for an appeal of the former governor's conviction.  It is not only within the power of the President to pardon a federal prisoners under Article 2 Section 2 of the U.S. Constitution and he must pardon Blagojevich because his former Governor is a nonviolent offender, and the criminal negligence surrounding this morally turpid conflict of interest troubles the budgets of both the Secretaries from Illinois - Transportation (Republican) and Education (unqualified personal associate) - whose majorly fraudulent budgets are stabilized to pay $75 billion without the issuance of any new Treasury bonds, for Sandy relief HA-15-12-12.  To please God the black lawyer must not only free enough prisoners to get the American legal system within the 250 detainees per 100,000 residents norm (international legal limit), but the judiciary requires the leadership of the President to publicly free his former master from slavery to reassure public servants and citizens they won’t be neglected and abused in the service of Presidential freedom; properly stated – 250 (500 for now) detainee per 100,000 resident legal limit, violators will be denied high office, States must abolish the death penalty and voter disenfranchisement laws so slavers will not have a cruel and unusual advantage at the polls; for the purpose of receiving SSI and to finance a halfway house system with SSI, released offenders shall be considered mentally disabled by virtue of having been released from a correctional institution so that they qualify on the basis of program poverty guidelines alone, civil briefs written by non-lawyers must be purchased at reasonable rates until such a time the state bar certifies the Bachelor of Law degree thereby adopting a civil law system.  All supervised release to a halfway house system financed with SSI needs is a post-conviction college degree program, to prevent recidivism. 


Legislative action to control guns has been subjected to gridlock because the Vice President and Attorney General dishonorably fail to precisely recall Bushmaster assault rifles of the sort used in the Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting mocking the federal delinquency to pay Sandy relief HA-15-12-12.  The integrity of Obama’s administration is deeply compromised by his poor choice in black Attorney General.  During confirmation hearings, Eric Holder admitted to “mistakes” in the pardon of fugitive financier Marc Rich – mistakes that he claimed were “not typical” of his conduct.  From this remark one can tell that Holder is not a man with any conviction in freedom, the prison population has continued to rise and to tell you the truth under Holder DoJ financing totally corrupts local federal correspondence with gun violence.  Not that anyone writes the federal government anymore after having their fears about lobbying corroborated.  Caveat emptor - No one should trust us, and anyone who does is a fool. (Stiglitz ’12: 205).  Without dismissing his counsel under Psalm 1 it is not surprising the Obama administration comes under penal sanctions for nearly all their actions, and negligent inaction, in every department but Commerce, International Trade Representative, and Food and Drug Administration (FDA).  Mexican Attorney General Marisela Morales was left in the dark about Operation Fast and Furious and she has called for officials involved in the operation to be extradited from the U.S. and sent to Mexico for prosecution.  President Barack Obama has refused to take responsibility for Operation Fast and Furious.  Obama maintains he has “full faith and confidence” in Attorney General Eric Holder and his handling of the scandal.  In the end, Operation Fast and Furious was a calculated and lethal decision to purposely place thousands of guns into the hands of ruthless criminals.  The operation was a coordinated and planned effort not to track guns, but to arm thugs south of the border for political gain.  The ATF has become corrupt.  Some people claim it began after ATFs raid on the Branch Davidian compound in Waco, Texas, in 1993.  Some say it was when government was realigned and ATF was moved from the Treasury Department to the Department of Justice in 2003. As a deputy attorney general in Janet Reno’s Clinton-era Justice Department, Holder backed the assault weapons ban and defended the department’s bungled attack on the Branch Davidian compound in Waco, Texas, in 1993. The same day President-elect Obama chose Holder as his attorney general, he also nominated Arizona governor Janet Napolitano as Secretary of Homeland Security.  Napolitano was not considered controversial, and her confirmation proceeded smoothly.  Holder’s nomination was a different story, given his reputation as a fiercely partisan member of the Bill Clinton-era Justice Department.  Since 2006, 48,000 people had been murdered in the cartel wars in Mexico.  In 2009, 21,313 guns were recovered in Mexico and submitted for tracing.  Only 5,444, or 25 percent were sourced to U.S. gun dealers. Deputy Attorney General Lanny Breuer of the Department of Justice Criminal Division, after years of denial, finally admitted to knowing about the “gunwalking” at the ATF.  Breuer served in private practice with Eric Holder and now serves as Holder’s number two man in the Justice Department.  Breuer also approved detailed wiretap applications for Operation Fast and Furious in early 2010 (Paylich ’12: 3, 23, 32, 162).  The Mexican violence seems to have been halted now the U.S. connection has been exposed and a new Mexican PRI President has been elected.  The ATF has become corrupt and must be reorganized to dissolve the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (ATF) and Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) and transfer functions to the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) Center for Alcohol, Tobacco and Marijiuana (ATM), leaving a Bureau of Firearms and Explosives (BFE) to be transferred to U.S. Customs (a.k.a. Homeland Security. 2010 study, suggested that the marijuana market in America is probably in the range of $40 billion a year, with the potential to grow to $100 billion in the event of widespread legalization. Thus, it's smaller than the market for other legal mind-altering substances such as beer ($99 billion), tobacco ($71 billion), or hard liquor ($61 billion) -- but bigger than the market for wine ($27 billion) (Smith ’12) or guns and ammunition  $6 billion) (Sanburn ’12).  Released offenders must not be permitted to purchase or possess firearms, however liberty interest in a democracy requires that they be permitted to vote, get an education and income insurance, to secure their loyalty.  


King suggests that the philosophy and strategy of nonviolence becomes immediately a subject for study and for serious experimentation in every field of human conflict.  The United Nations is a gesture in the direction of nonviolence on the world scale.  There, at least, states that oppose one another have sought to do so with words instead of with weapons.  But true nonviolence is more than the absence of violence.  It is the persistent and determined application of peaceable power to offenses against the community.  What lobbying and imploring could not do in legislative halls, marching feet accomplished a thousand miles away.  Nonviolent direct action had proved to be the most effective generator of change that the movement had seen, and by 1965 all civil rights organizations had embraced it as theirs.  Power, properly understood is the ability to achieve purpose.  It is the strength required to bring about social, political or economic changes.  In this sense power is not only desirable but necessary in order to implement the demands of love and justice.  One of the greatest problems of history is that the concepts of love and power are usually contrasted as polar opposites.  Love is identified with a resignation of power and power with a denial of love.  Beyond the pragmatic invalidity of violence is its inability to appeal to conscience.  Nonviolence is power, but it is the right and good use of power.  I would rather be a man of conviction than a man of conformity.  Occasionally in life one develops a conviction so precious and meaningful that he will stand on it till the end.  That is what I have found in nonviolence.  Humanity is waiting for something other than blind imitations of the past.  If we want truly to advance a step further, if we want to turn over a new leaf and really set a new man afoot, we must begin to turn mankind away from the long and desolate night of violence.  It will not be Lord Acton’s image of power that tends to corrupt or absolute power that corrupts absolutely.  It will be power infused with love and justice, that will change dark yesterdays into bright tomorrows, and lift us from the fatigue of despair to the buoyancy of hope.  A dark, desperate, confused and sin-sick world waits for this new kind of man and this new kind of power (King ’68: 193, 195, 180, 45, 18, 37, 61, 66, 68, 69). If someone has the power to make a change that he or she can see will reduce injustice in the world, then there is a strong social argument for doing just that.  Consider two different words – niti and nyaya – both of which stand for justice in classical Sanskrit.  Among the principal uses of the term niti are organizational propriety and behavioural correctness.  In contrast with niti, the term nyaya stands for a comprehensive concept of realized justice.  The roles of institutions, rules and organization have to be assessed in the broader and more inclusive perspective of nyaya, which is inescapably linked with the world that actually emerges, not just the institutions or rules we happen to have.  Early Indian legal theorists talked disparagingly of what they called matsyanyaya ‘justice in the world of fish’, where a big fish can freely devour a small fish.  We are warned that avoiding matsyanyaya must be an essential part of justice, and it is crucial to make sure that the ‘justice of the fish’ is not allowed to invade the world of human beings. Perhaps the most far-reaching example of what is essential for an adequate understanding of justice is John Rawls’ Theory of Justice that justice has to be seen in terms of the demands of fairness whereby the following ‘principles of justice’ will emerge in the original position with unanimous agreement: (a) Each person has an equal right to a fully adequate scheme of basic liberties which is compatible with a similar scheme of liberties for all. (b) Social and economic inequalities are to satisfy two conditions.  First, they must be attached to offices and positions open to all under conditions of fair equality of opportunity; and second, they must be to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged members of society. It is important to note that the principles of justice include the priority of liberty (the first principle) giving precedence to maximum liberty for each person subject to similar liberty for all (Sen ’09: 205, 20, 53).


Let us love one another: for love is of God:

And every one that loveth is born of God, and

Knoweth God.  He that loveth not knoweth not

God; for God is love…If we love one another,

God dwelleth in us, and his love is perfected in us

The First Epistle of Saint John (King ’68: 201)


State by State Detention, Need and Cost Estimate for Community Beds & SSI




Total Prison Pop. in


State Prison Pop.

Local Jail Population

per 00,000

Executions since 1976

Estimated Need for Community Beds/Houses

Estimated Cost to SSI

$700 mo./ $8,400 year


US Military





0 yes











































































District of Columbia





































































0 yes 



































































































New Hampshire








New Jersey





 0 yes



New Mexico








New York





 0 yes



North Carolina








North Dakota








































Rhode Island





0 yes



South Carolina








South Dakota





0 yes 


















































West Virginia























US Totals 





1002 as of 6 Dec. 2005




Source: Sanders, Tony J. Book 6 Judicial Delinquency (JD). Fig. 6.3 pp.866-868


A crust of bread and a corner to sleep in,

A minute to smile and an hour to weep in,

A pint of joy to a peck of trouble,

And never a laugh but the moans come double:

And that is life!

Paul Laurence Dunbar (King ’68: 110)




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